Thursday, September 20, 2012

Sabra and Shattila Thirty Years On

Not Forgotten... but still waiting for justice

The Pope arrived in Lebanon last weekend. He met with President Michael Suleiman, and at an open air mass on Sunday he called on young people to work for peace and "love one another". It was not the first papal visit (Pope John Paul came before), but with the carnage in neighbouring Syria, his message was linked to that. He took the opportunity to condemn the supply of arms as a sin.

What neither Benedict nor  many commentators remarked upon was the bloody massacre which took place near where he was preaching, thirty years ago. A slaughter in which the chief perpetrators were supposed to be Christians, adherants in fact of the Maronite Church which is in communion with the Roman Catholic church. So probably were some of their victims, though most were Moslems.

It was on September 16, 1982, that Christian Phalangist forces, backed by their Israeli allies, went into Sabra and Shattila refugee camps, which had grown up like a Palestinian town within Beirut. The occasion was said to be the assassination two days before of newly elected Lebanese president Bashir Gemayel, leader of the Kataeb (Phalange) party which, in Lebanon's religious-fractured politics relied on the Maronites' support.

It was doubtful that Palestinians had anything to do with the killing, but it made do as a pretext, just as the attempt on Israeli ambassador Shlomo Argov in London, arranged by the Abu Nidal group, was used by the Israeli government as its excuse to invade Lebanon and attempt to destroy the PLO.     
It was after the PLO had withdrawn its forces and weapons from West Beirut, entrusting the safety of its people to international agreements and promises from the United States, that the onslaught on the camps was begun. Israeli troops were in control of West Beirut, and therefore under international law responsible for the fate of the civilian population. And responsible they were, in that they cordoned off Sabra and Chatila, and unleashed the killers to go in, firing flare shells over head to light their way through narrow alleys. General Ariel Sharon was there to watch the operation proceed.

Besides the Israelis and Phalangists, units of the Israeli-backed South Lebanon Army were said to be there. Elie Hobeika, the Lebanese forces intelligence chief, is said to have given orders for the killings to "the Young Men", a gang recruited from men dismissed from the army for criminal activity. Hobeika went on to become an MP and hold ministerial positions.

At first the people did not know what was happening, and when they did there was nowhere to hide. Their shelters had already been reconnoitred. In one of them, 12 year old Munir was with his mother and sister.  

“The killers arrived at the door of the shelter and yelled for everyone to come out. Men who they found were lined up against the wall outside. They were immediately machine gunned.” As Munir watched, the killers left to kill other groups and then suddenly returned and opened fire on everyone, and all fell to the ground. Munir lay quietly not knowing if his mother and sisters were dead. Then he heard the killers yelling: “If any of you are injured, we’ll take you to the hospital. Don’t worry. Get up and you’ll see.” A few did try to get up or moaned and they were instantly shot in the head.
Munir remembered: “Even though it was light out due to the Israeli flares over Shatila, the killers used bright flash lights to search the darkened corners. The killers were looking in the shadows”. Suddenly Munir’s mother’s body seemed to shift in the mound of corpses next to him. Munir thought she might be going to get up since the killers promised to take anyone still alive to the hospital. Munir whispered to her: “Don’t get up mother, they’re lying”. And Munir stayed motionless all night barely daring to breath, pretending to be dead.
 
http://mycatbirdseat.com/2010/09/munirs-story-28-years-after-the-massacre-at-sabra-shatila/


Umm Ali  was in her forties when the massacre took place.
 "The militiamen made us all sit down on the bodies of people who had already been killed.  My daughter turned to me and told me that the body she was sitting on was cold. The men dragged us to our feet and made us walk. They tried to take my daughter but I refused to let them, shouting that we were surrendereing and they couldn't harm us. 
I thought they might have been Jewish, so I started shouting that I came from a village the Jews call Rosh Pinah in northern Palestine, I started to shout at them that we lived with Jews in Rosh Pina. An israeli soldier heard what was going on and came over. he asked me why I was talking about Rosh Pina to this man. He told me that the man was not an Israeli but a Kitaeb (Phalangist), and the soldier took my daughter from him and brought her back to me.

The militiaman who had been trying to take my daughter got angry at this, and took a pregnant woman. I saw him kill her and then cut the baby from her stomach before stamping on it. "
The orgy of savagery and murder went on for three days and nights. The most conservative estimate of the death toll was about 800, but others such as Israeli journalist Amnon Kapeliuk reckoned at least two thousand bodies were found amid the ruins.
 
This survivor Umm Ali's account is from a pamphlet produced this week by Medical Aid for Palestinians (MAP). Swee Chai Ang, a doctor who was in Sabra and Shattila's Gaza hospital when the massacre took place founded MAP after coming to the UK. Together with American Jewish nurse Ellen Siegel, Swee also went to Jerusalem to testify before the Israeli government's Kahane Commission. This Commission declared in early 1983 that Israeli military personnel had been aware a massacre was taking place and not taken serious steps to stop it. It held Ariel Sharon personally responsible for having let the right-wing Christian militias enter the camps, knowing the consequences. .

This damning indictment did not prevent Sharon from resuming his political career and coming back as Prime Minister. (Nor did the accusation that Sharon had misled prime minister Menahem Begin into approving what he thought was a limited operation in Lebanon, while planning to make it all out war and take his tanks into Beirut). It says something about Israeli politics.

Attempts by survivors to bring a war crimes case against Sharon through the Belgian courts were unuccessful, perhaps because the Belgian authorities came under pressure from the United States as well as Israel.

Writing in the New York Times on Monday, Seth Anziska points to a wider context of responsibility:   While Israel’s role in the massacre has been closely examined, America’s actions have never been fully understood. This summer, at the Israel State Archives, I found recently declassified documents that chronicle key conversations between American and Israeli officials before and during the 1982 massacre. The verbatim transcripts reveal that the Israelis misled American diplomats about events in Beirut and bullied them into accepting the spurious claim that thousands of “terrorists” were in the camps. Most troubling, when the United States was in a position to exert strong diplomatic pressure on Israel that could have ended the atrocities, it failed to do so. As a result, Phalange militiamen were able to murder Palestinian civilians, whom America had pledged to protect just weeks earlier.

MAP pamphlet:
http://www.map-uk.org/files/1145_map_ss_report-final-web.pdf 

Victims and survivors still waiting for justice:
http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Local-News/2012/Sep-18/188408-no-justice-for-sabra-shatila-massacre-victims-30-years-on.ashx#axzz27169C7iC 

http://mycatbirdseat.com/2010/09/munirs-story-28-years-after-the-massacre-at-sabra-shatila/

http://abna.ir/data.asp?lang=3&Id=349403

 A massacre that could have been prevented:
 http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/17/opinion/a-preventable-massacre.html?_r=1&nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_20120917

Ellen Siegel's letter to survivors:
http://electronicintifada.net/content/open-letter-survivors-sabra-and-shatila-massacre/4660 

And more on the massacre:
http://mondoweiss.net/2012/09/sabra-and-shatila-30-years-later.html

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Friday, June 25, 2010

War and Peace erased from history

THE first was a major turning point in history, a massive invasion and bombing which devastated Beirut bur failed to destroy the Palestine Liberation Organisation. It culminated in the Sabra and Chatila massacres by Israel's right-wing Christian allies, for which Ariel Sharon was held morally culpable. It brought huge anti-war demonstrations in Tel Aviv, and the formation of Yesh Gvul (there is a border, or limit) by reservists who insisted there was a line beyond which they would not serve, thus setting the example for today's young people who bravely refuse to serve in occupation.

It left Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, backing the Christian militias, till eventually this occupation was ended by combined Lebanese resistance and opposition in Israel. And, ironically, by upsetting the balance of forces in Lebanon, driving out the PLO and destroying moderate Muslim forces like the Shi'ite Amal militia, Israel's 1982 Lebanon war - officially dubbed "Peace in Galilee" -brought on the return of the pendulum the rise of its current bogeyman, Hezbollah.

Eleven years later, and what Israel and all its mouthpieces abroad had declared unthinkable was happening. The Israeli government sat down to negotiate with Yasser Arafat and the PLO leadership in Oslo, the secret talks led to a public agreement, and televised handshakes on the White House lawn. Inadequate as it was, the Oslo agreement allowed the formation of the Palestinian Authority, and some measure of international recognition. It seemed only a matter of time before the Authority became a state, and even the Return of the Palestinian refugees could be negotiated. For now, Arafat came out of exile, and won a Nobel peace prize along with Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin, even if Rabin was also to be awarded the assassin's bullet -something which Zionists had always said would happen to any Arab leader who made peace with Israel.

No need to go on. Suffice to say that if you should ever try to discuss what happened with young Israelis some time in the future, don't blame them if they look a bit blank and mystified, or even suspect you of making stuff up. They will be victims of their education. This item appeared today in Ha'aretz:

First Lebanon war, Oslo Accords missing from Israeli textbooks
By Or Kashti

The first Lebanon war and the Oslo Accords are missing from Israeli history textbooks, Haaretz has learned, while more recent events, such as the signing of the peace agreement with Jordan, are included.

The Education Ministry said in response that "naturally, not all historic events could be included in the curriculum."

Some 10 days ago, public school history teachers received a handbook sent by the director of history education at the Education Ministry, Michael Yaron. The handbook, titled "Subjects for the High School History Curriculum" sets down the topics history teachers are expected to cover over the three years of high school.

History lessons in high school are divided into two units, both mandatory for all students. The second unit is further divided into the following two groupings: Nazism, anti-Semitism, World War II and the Holocaust; and building the State of Israel in the Middle East. The latter grouping includes all Israeli conflicts from the struggle for statehood to the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, followed by a section on the "peace agreements between Israel, Egypt and Jordan."

In the past, the Education Ministry generally avoided teaching recent history, arguing that it takes 20 to 30 years to arrive at a historical perspective suitable for teaching young people. However, skipping over the first Lebanon war and the Oslo Accords, but including the peace accords with Jordan as well as "Jewish immigration into Israel during the last 30 years of the 20th century," appears to represent a deviation from the rule.

"The Education Ministry doesn't like [to address] controversial issues like the first Lebanon war or the Oslo Accords," a veteran history teacher told Haaretz. "It's not necessarily political, it's more of a desire to avoid confrontation and keep things quiet."

"This is wrong, even pedagogically," the teacher continued. "The so-called sensitive subjects are the most relevant ones and the most interesting to students."

'Mapping out reality'

"Professionally speaking, this is a ridiculous and unreasonable decision," said professor Hannah Yablonka of Ben-Gurion University, who chairs the ministry's advisory committee on history education. "The peace agreement with Jordan didn't appear in a vacuum, but as a result of the Oslo Accords. But it's more than that, these issues are existentially important. Students need to know what the Palestinian Authority is. This is part of mapping out reality."

As for the Lebanon war, she said, "28 years offers enough perspective on this particular event, especially if later events are taught in schools. There's no professional justification for these decisions."

An Education Ministry official rejected the claims that the decision to exclude these subjects was political. "A professional external committee staffed comprised of the best historians put together the curriculum from which these guidelines are derived, and which was published two years ago," he said. "There were plenty of arguments and deliberations within the committee before they agreed on a program that took into account not just historic events, but the fewer number of teaching hours allocated to history lessons."

The chairman of the committee, Professor Yisrael Bartal of the Hebrew University, could not be reached for comment.

http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/first-lebanon-war-oslo-accords-missing-from-israeli-textbooks-1.298176

Mind you, I can imagine this history with the best bits taken out is going to lead to some incomprehension between the generations. If the young try to understand what parents or grandparents are talking about, they may wonder at the gap between taught history and memory.

I still remember puzzling over a photograph my Dad had in his album, of British soldiers marching down a street watched by Oriental people in quilted jackets. On the back it was captioned, in my Dad's copperplate, "The Loyals in China". There was nothing about this in school history, or even the library books. But sure enough, a battalion of the Loyal North Lancashire Regiment had been among British troops sent into Shanghai in the 1920s. They were there to help the Japanese, if the Kuomintang had not succeeded in putting the workers down.

Israel is not the only country where they are selective about what history is taught. All the same, there would not be room in the curriculum to teach about every place where British troops were sent. (Had my Dad remained with his regiment in the 1930s, perish the thought, he might have been suppressing the people of Palestine). Whereas Lebanon in 1982 and subsequent years is hardly a minor, insignificant episode in Israeli history.

As for the Oslo agreement, I did say that youngsters should not be blamed for any ignorance. It is another matter when one hears adult Zionists today ruling out Palestinian self-determination (notwithstanding the incantation about "two state solution" which we hear from their political friends) by declaring there is "no such thing as a Palestinian nation". For some of them, at least, Oslo was a bad dream, for which Rabin had to pay the price, and they will cheerfully assure you "there are no Palestinians" . That is something they look forward to their armed forces achieving. And if these are just the "extremists" among Zionists, they are not outside government, nor without influence on what is taught to Israeli school students.

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Wednesday, September 19, 2007

Ellen's Story: Nurse, Witness and Peace campaigner

MAKING A POINT in London, before she went on to make a name in Lebanon.

REMEMBERING the massacre at Sabra and Chatila which shocked us all twenty five years ago,
I mentioned Dr.Swee Chai Ang, who worked in the camps' Gaza hospital, and testified before the Kahan Commission in Israel. Swee, whose Singapore Christian background and beliefs had originally predisposed her to see Israel's side before she went to work in Lebanon, wrote about her experiences in "From Beirut to Jerusalem", published in 1989.

Today I'll introduce another witness, from a different background, who worked as a colleague of Swee's at the hospital.

In 1973, two women stood outside the Israeli embassy in London with placards drawing attention to the bizarre logic of Israel's Law of Return. One of them, Ellen Siegel, carried a sign pointing out that as an American Jew, born in the USA, she could "return" to Israel-Palestine. Her co-demonstrator, Palestinian-born Dr. Ghada Karmi bore a sign saying that as a Palestinian, born in Jerusalem she could not return. It was a telling point, when few people here had given thought to what Zionism entailed. It was also a striking little event, at that time for a Jewish woman, identifying herself as such, to protest outside an Israeli embassy.

Ellen Siegel was an unusual woman. But her background seemed usual enough, indeed more conservative than most. "I was born and raised in a conservative/orthodox Jewish household," she says. Her grandparents escaped pogroms in Eastern Europe by coming to America, where they spoke only Yiddish and strictly observed religious holidays. Ms. Siegel's parents followed suit. She attended Hebrew school twice a week, and went to an orthodox synagogue every Saturday, as well as a religious school every Sunday. "It was only when I went to high school that I learned there were people other than Jewish people," she recalls. After high school, Ms. Siegel went to a Jewish nursing school and then practiced in Jewish hospitals in New York and Washington, D.C.

But one thing Ellen seems to have got from her family and teachers is an understanding of what it means to be persecuted, and a sense that when you see people ill-treated it is your duty to speak out. Growing up at a time of America's civil rights struggles she learned to recognise and react against racism - even when she encountered it from fellow-Jews. During a trip to Europe in 1972 she decided to visit the Middle East and see things for herself. Hearing Israelis sound like Southern racists when they talked about "dirty Arabs" was one thing that upset her. But there was more. In Lebanon, Ellen visited the synagogue in Beirut and befriended people in the local Jewish community. She also met Palestinians, and as she said,. "I had been taught that there was no such thing as Palestinian people and I never knew about a land called Palestine. But then I went through the Borj El-Barajneh refugee camp and it was a real mind blower."

Ellen Siegel decided not just to speak but to act. By taking her nursing skills to work among the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon she would be doing something useful and, as being from a religious background she might put it, atoning for the sins of others. Thus it was that in September 1982, a "nice Jewish girl from Baltimore" (as she humorously described herself) found herself nursing amid the hell of Sabra and Chatila. Here is part of her account:

'Thursday, September 16, the hospital suddenly became very busy and very crowded. About 2,000 inhabitants of the camp rushed into the building seeking refuge. Another 2,000 could not get in; they huddled outside. The refugees were terrified and hysterical. Screaming, they kept repeating "Kataib, Israel, Haddad " and made a motion with their fingers and hand as if to show that someone was slitting their throat.

(Khataib is the Arabic for Phalange, the Christian rightist party, Major Said Haddad commanded the Israeli -backed South Lebanon Army and led forces which joined the Phalangist onslaiught on the refugee camps).

'Inside the hospital, the scene was chaotic. The morgue was overflowing. Wounded were streaming in; some had been shot in the elbows and legs as they tried to run away. I remember a dehydrated premature baby that was brought in; in all the excitement it had not received enough fluid. I do not know what happened to this baby once it was rehydrated. Refugees crouched in every corner. We tended to the wounded. We tried to feed those who had sought refuge. Both heavy and light artillery fire continued all day. I kept listening to BBC news on my tiny transistor radio. The main story was the death in a car crash of Princess Grace of Monaco. The reports said nothing at all about what was happening in the camps. At some point, late in the evening, the second news item did relay the fact that the Israeli army was occupying West Beirut.

'That evening, a few other health-care workers and I climbed to one of the top floors of the hospital; it had been unused since the recent invasion. Because most of the walls had been bombed out, the view was unobstructed. We watched for a time as flares were shot into the air, brightly illuminating different parts of the camp. After each flare, rounds of light artillery fire were heard. I thought people were trying to shoot down the flares. Not a sound was heard from the camps except the noise of the flares being projected and the shots that followed. No screaming, no cries for help, no human sound, nothing. Israeli planes continued to fly overhead as the night went on.

'The next morning, Friday, September 17, suddenly and with great urgency, all of the Palestinian and Lebanese staff left the hospital. The hospital administrator had told them it was no longer a safe area. The only staff members who remained were some twenty doctors, nurses and physical therapists from Great Britain, Norway, Holland, Sweden, Finland, Germany, Ireland and two of us from the United States, all volunteers. That afternoon, in great haste, the patients who could walk left. The refugees inside and outside the building also fled. They feared it was no longer a safe place. The refugees told us that the militias were making their way towards the hospital. The only patients who remained were those who could not move easily and those in critical condition -- altogether about 50 people.

'The sounds of high explosives, mortars and artillery fire, both light and heavy, continued almost non-stop, and they were getting closer. Smoke began pouring in through the windows. Doors and windows were shaking. We evacuated all our remaining patients to the lower floors. We taped up windows so that the glass would not shatter. The electricity kept going off; we were pumping oxygen by hand. The doctors operated by flashlight.

'Sometime Friday morning, in the midst of this bombardment, a film crew from Visnews came. They did some filming, then left. Late in the afternoon, representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross appeared; they evacuated a half-dozen critically injured children, whom they placed in other hospitals around the city. They also left us oxygen, blood and other vital and much-needed supplies. Finally, the ambassador of Norway came by. Each of these visitors was given a list of names of all the foreign volunteers.

'That evening, as I was working in the Intensive Care Unit, two unfamiliar young men approached me. They looked different from the local population; well groomed and freshly shaven, with neatly ironed shirts and well-tailored trousers. One of them asked me, "Are the Kataib coming tomorrow morning to slit the throats of Palestinian children?" He asked me this twice. His eyelids appeared to be drooping. He wanted to know who was in the hospital. I answered, "All foreigners." I later learned that there were about 20 of these young men wandering around the hospital smoking hashish. To this day, I have no idea who these men were.

'By that evening, the heavy artillery had ceased. Only the sound of light artillery and gunshots could be heard. Sundown marked the beginning of Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year of 5743. That night I managed to get a few hours' sleep. Very early on Saturday morning, September 18, I was awakened by one of the other nurses. On an ordinary morning, we awoke to the tinkling of the bell of the vendor selling Arab coffee from his colorful cart. This morning there was an eerie silence; even the familiar crowing of the roosters had ceased. My colleague said, "Get downstairs right away. The Lebanese Army wants all the health workers to assemble at the entrance." One of the soldiers had instructed her to tell others "not to be afraid," as they were the Lebanese Army.

'I looked out of a space that had once held a glass pane, blown out long ago by the force of a high explosive. In front of the hospital stood about a dozen men in uniform, wearing helmets and holding rifles. Others were herding away people who lived close by the hospital. I quickly put on my lab coat over the green hospital uniform that I had slept in, grabbed my passport, and made my way down eight flights of steps. In the bright morning sun the international health workers who had come to help stood together at the front door of our medical facility. The men and women waiting for us were clean, their uniforms starched and well-fitting -- but they bore the insignia not of the Lebanese Army, but of the Phalange. In contrast to them, we were a haggard and exhausted group; many of us had blood, pus and other human waste on our uniforms and lab coats. The militiamen spoke with each other in Arabic and French and to us in English. They told us they were taking us away for awhile, but that we would be coming back. A few of the doctors successfully negotiated with them to allow one doctor and one nurse to remain in the ICU.

'Our captors led us down the road in front of the hospital and on to Rue Sabra, the camp's main street. As we were marched along, I heard gunshots being fired on the right, then the left, then the right. After each one, I instinctively ducked. Someone told me, "Keep walking." The militiamen themselves did not react at all; they completely ignored the sound. It was as if they had not heard it.

'Some of the camp residents, including some of the cooks and cleaners who worked at Gaza, followed us. The militia stopped them. Along the way, a Palestinian had joined us; fearful, he begged for one of us to give him a lab coat. Someone did. He looked Arab, though, and was quickly confronted by a militiaman asking for his ID card. The Phalangist slapped his face with the card and made him take off the lab coat. I turned around and saw him on his knees begging. As before, someone told me, "Keep walking." The next thing I heard was a shot. I did not look back.

'As we continued marching down Rue Sabra, we saw dead bodies lying along the sides of the street; some were old men, shot point-blank in the temple. As we moved on, we approached a large group of camp residents, mainly women and children, huddled together, with men in uniform guarding them. They were very scared. We were worried about them, and they were frightened for us, seeing us led past them at rifle point. A few of them gave us the "V" sign. It seemed that with their eyes and their lips they wanted to reassure us and thank us for coming to help them. One young woman, fearing she would not survive, stepped out of the crowd and handed her infant to one of the female doctors. Dr. Swee Ang was able to walk a few feet with the baby before a Phalangist stopped her. He took the baby away from her and handed it back to the mother. For a few seconds, I thought about the Holocaust, about mothers being sent off to concentration camps. I had read much about Jewish women in Germany and Poland handing over their babies to others in order to save them from extermination.

'By now we were halfway down Rue Sabra into Shatila; the camps sit beside one another, with no visible line dividing them. The number of militiamen increased greatly; they were everywhere. These looked different from the ones who had escorted us out of the hospital. They were sloppy and unkempt; their uniforms were dirty and rumpled, without any identifying insignia. They seemed exhausted, edgy and ill-tempered. Throughout this ordeal, most of the uniformed men were in constant communication with someone. There were many walkie-talkies in use.

'Our group began to tighten up. It was dawning on us that we might not make it out of these camps alive. A few of us were crying softly. As we reached the end of the camps, our captors began harassing us. They yelled, "You are dirty people, you are not Christians -- Christians don't treat terrorists who kill Christians." The ranting continued, "You are communists, socialists, Baader-Meinhof." They were closing in and encircling us. They collected our passports, ordered us to keep walking. The crackling sound of their walkie-talkies became a familiar noise.

'As we reached the end of the camp, the landscape had changed dramatically. Where homes had stood were piles of rubble. A yellow bulldozer was moving earth back and forth in an area that had been dug up and greatly enlarged. The bulldozer was scooping up dirt, moving it, then dumping it back out. Back and forth. This spot was very busy, with lots of men in uniform. We had to stop many times in order to let the bulldozer go past and do its job. I noticed it had a large Aleph, the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, stenciled on its side.

'When we turned the corner of Rue Sabra, our captors steered us out of the camps towards the Kuwaiti embassy. They asked those wearing white lab coats to remove them. They lined us up in a row in front of a bullet-ridden wall. Facing us were about 40 men in uniform: a firing squad. Their rifles were ready and aimed in our direction. Behind them was a pick-up truck carrying more militiamen and what looked like a piece of anti-aircraft equipment. After a short time, the men in the firing squad lowered their rifles and marched back into the camps.

'It is my understanding that someone from the IDF had been able to stop this imminent execution of foreigners. Members of the IDF stationed at the Israeli forward command post became aware of what was happening. An Israeli official had run to the spot and ordered the militia not to carry this out; he then left. Militiamen marched us past the embassy of Kuwait. Here another Israeli official appeared, spoke with one of the physicians, then left. The militia remained in control of us. They took us to the courtyard of a unused U.N. building for "interrogation."

'The courtyard was littered with Israeli army rations, empty food cans, the Israeli newspaper Yediot Aharonot from September 17 and a few discarded parts of IDF uniforms. The Phalangists called us up one by one for questioning. They asked me what nationality I was, why I had come to Lebanon, who sent me. One of them told the other American not to be afraid, "as you are an American," and bade him "welcome."


'Around 9:30 or 10 a.m., our "interrogation" suddenly stopped. Someone handed our passports back to us. The Phalangists led us across the street to a five-storey building overlooking the camps. The IDF had occupied the building and was using it as its forward command post. I noticed Israeli soldiers on the roof looking through binoculars. A jeep filled with Phalange militiamen was parked at the entrance to the command post. The occupants made it known that they wanted to take a pretty Norwegian nurse away with them. They seemed quite insistent. One of our doctors asked someone from the IDF to intercede. He did, and the jeep drove off without the nurse.

'Within minutes of our arrival, a crew from Israeli Television appeared. Bottled water, fresh fruit and bread were brought to us; the crew filmed us as we ate and drank. Our presence was of little interest to the Israelis. I was not aware that any of them asked what had happened to us.

'A number of Israeli soldiers wearing yarmulkas (skullcaps) and tallesim (Jewish prayer shawls) stood together, reading from their prayer books the morning service for Rosh Hashanah. A young, rather shy-looking soldier approached a few of us. He offered us a piece of honey cake, which had been neatly wrapped. Ever since I can remember, my mother would serve honey cake on this day. It is a Jewish tradition which ensures a "sweet year" ahead. I imagined this young man's mother carefully preparing this cake for her son so that he could commemorate this day according to custom.

'This day had great meaning both for me and for the members of the Israeli Defense Force. All of us were spending this High Holiday around the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila. It did not matter if you were the minister of defense, Ariel Sharon, or the division commander, Brigadier General Amos Yaron, or the unidentified soldier who offered me honey cake. This day marks the start of a ten-day period of introspection and repentance in the Jewish year. The Book of Life is opened; we are to right any wrongs we may have committed and set our lives in order. At the end of this period our fate for the next year will be sealed.

http://www.mepc.org/journal_vol8/0112_siegel.asp

After giving evidence to the Kahan commission, Ellen returned to the United States, but not to take it easy. Working part-time as a nurse, she devoted the rest of her time to campaigning, notably in Washington Area Jews for Israel-Palestinian Peace, as she told Rex B. Wingerter
"It is a group of Jews of all political persuasions who want a real peace in the Middle East," says Ms. Siegel. Its members support mutual recognition and negotiation between Israel and the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people, including the PLO, as well as the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. They are seeking to make themselves an alternative voice to the Jewish establishment in Greater Washington.
http://www.wrmea.com/backissues/091784/840917007.html


When I saw Ellen at international conferences some years ago, she did not have time to talk about herself and what she had done, being more concerned with what needed to be done next. But she wrote to Sabra and Chatila survivors supporting their efforts to bring Ariel Sharon to justice, and offering to appear as a witness.
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article1666.shtml


Making the right choice can be costly, even away from the shooting.
'Recently, she bumped into her "very dearest, best friend" from grammar school days: "When I went to say hello, she said 'I don't think what you did was so great' and then walked away. That hurt." Yet, continues Ms. Siegel, "I decided a long time ago that it didn't matter if I lost every friend I had because what I was doing was right and if I cared about my people I would have to keep on doing these things."
http://www.wrmea.com/backissues/091784/840917007.html


Never mind Ellen. You may have lost some old friends back home, but you gained new friends and admirers allover the world.

You can hear Ellen Siegel being interviewed a few years ago on the US Democracy Now radio at:
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=03/04/07/037235

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Monday, September 17, 2007

25 years ago: Sabra and Chatila

INDOMITABLE. Children at Bourj el-Brajneh camp salute news of the first
Intifada. Behind them, in dark
sweater, Swee Chai Ang, witness of
Sabra and Chatila.
(from her book, "From Beirut to Jerusalem", 1989)

"DID you hear what's happened in Lebanon? The Christians have gone into this Palestinian camp and are killing all the Palestinians. And the Israelis stood and watched!" I'd not heard the news. The man greeting me with it as I came into work that evening was grinning with glee. Well, he did boast of National Front sympathies and use racist language, so I was not surprised, though I did not know yet whether what he was saying was true, or a wind-up.

You meet some obnoxious characters in the security business. Fortunately he only worked days. If we'd had to share a nightshift I might have ended up doing time for the fascist bastard. I contented myself with seeing him off the premises and hoping he had an accident on his way home.

It was not a wind up.

On the night of September 16, 1982, Lebanese Christian forces, mainly from the Phalangist party, moved in to two Palestinian refugee camps, Sabra and Chatila, which were surrounded by Israeli forced that had moved into West Beirut. Palestinian fighters had already withdrawn from the city under US-backed agreement. The fascists began a two-day massacre of civilians, which left at least 800 dead according to the BBC, more than a 1,000 according to Israeli journalist Amnon Kapeliuk's estimate.

Israeli forces had invaded Lebanon that Summer, using the attempted assassination of London ambassador Shlomo Argov by one of Abu Nidal's gunmen as pretext, but also claiming they were defending northern settlements, by driving Palestinian guerrillas from southern Lebanon. They called it "Operation Peace for Galilee". Whether or not Prime Minister Menachem Begin believed it was to be a limited operation, as his son claims, Defence Minister Ariel Sharon had bigger plans.

Israeli leaders had long thought they could use the Christians of Lebanon as allies, which meant specifically an alliance with the right-wing, Maronite Christian Phalange (Khatib, in Arabic) founded by Pierre Gemayel, an admirer of European fascism, and possibly the rival National Liberals led by the Chamoun family. Not all Lebanese Christians supported these right-wing parties, and some, whether from the Left or minority Christian sects, stood alongside the Palestinians and Muslim Lebanese.

During the 1976-8 Lebanese civil war the Christian Right forces were supported by Israel and the CIA, and more directly assisted by Syrian forces (as in the siege of Tel al Zataar camp) but failed to crush the Palestinians or their Lebanese allies. Now Israel was intervening directly to back the Phalangists, though some Israeli officers viewed them with distrust and distaste, not least those with Druze units who found themselves having to wage war on their own people in Lebanon. In Israel itself there was to be a growing movement against what many saw as an unjustified and unnecessary war.

Menachem Begin met Bachir Gemayel in Nahariya, and urged him to sign a peace treaty with Israel. and take further action to oust the Palestinians. He also wanted the Israeli-backed South Lebanon Army led by Major Said Haddad to stay in the south. Gemayel temporised, knowing many in his party favoured an alliance with Syria rather than risk isolation in the Arab world and further internal conflict. (There were rumours later that year that Ariel Sharon had his own contacts, with Syrian secret police chief Rifaat al Assad if not with his brother the president).

Gemayel was assassinated in bomb explosion at his headquarters on September 14. Palestinians and Muslims denied any involvement, and a supporter of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (based among Syrian Orthodox Christians) confessed; but Israeli and Phalangist forces ignored this, just as Begin had ignored the report by Mossad that the PLO had nothing to do with the attempt on ambassador Argov.

Within hours of Gemayel's assassination, Begin and Sharon ordered the occupation of West Beirut, informing Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir but not the Israeli cabinet. The move violated Israel's agreements with Syria and the United States, and US guarantees to protect West Beirut's Muslim population. By noon on September 15 Israel forces had surrounded Sabra and Chatila camps, and occupied high-rise buildings overlooking them.

Ariel Sharon and Chief of Staff Rafi Eitan met Phalangist commanders and told them they could go into the camps to root out PLO members. Some 1,500 Christian militiamen assembled at Beirut International Airport, which was under Israeli control, and began moving towards the camps. Many rode on Israeli jeeps. The mainly Phalangist force was commanded by Elie Hobeika.

Entering the camps at 6pm, they began their work with guns, hatchets and knives, raping and butchering Lebanese and Palestinian alike. Sometimes groups were led out then executed. Israeli forces fired flares over the camp to light it up for them. At 11pm the report reached Israeli army headquarters that over 300 people had been killed. Further reports came through the night, and were seen by the Israeli government. Begin later dismissed what was happening as "Arab killing Arab", and accused those blaming Israel of a "Blood Libel".

Later, Israel's Kahan Commission would hear how an Army lieutenant had witnessed five women and children being killed and told his commander, who replied "We know, it is not to our liking but don't interfere." A TV news crew filmed Israeli soldiers turning back people who were trying to flee the camps. The Israeli commanders told the Phalangists to leave the camps on Saturday morning, because of American concern, but having got their thirst for blood, these Christians carried on slaking it, marching some survivors out and either killing or sending for interrogation. It was the morning of September 18 when they finally pulled out, and journalists were able to go in and find hundreds of bodies scattered about.

There were demonstrations around the world as well as in Israel, where the Kahan Commission was to find Ariel Sharon culpable - though this did not prevent him going on to be prime minister, or his successors launching another war in Lebanon. In London, where the Jewish Socialists' Group had marched for the first time with Palestinians and Lebanese opposing Israel's action, I was able to help organise a protest meeting, and also proud to appear on a platform with Dr.Swee Chai Ang, the surgeon in Sabra camp who gave evidence to the Kahan Commission. Swee later spoke at a Jewish Socialists' Group meeting in London.

No one ever faced justice for the Sabra and Chatila massacres, at least not in a court of law. Eli Hobeika who commanded the Phalangist forces was killed by a car bomb in Beirut in 2000. There had been speculation he might go to Brussels to testify in a war crimes tribunal, but others doubt this. Survivors of the massacres tried to bring a case against Ariel Sharon under Belgian law, and some of us here wrote in support of this. But under pressure from the United States the Belgian authorities halted proceedings taking place. If I were a religious man I might think the Israelis were keeping Ariel Sharon "alive" to save him facing a higher judge.

There used to be commemorative events for Sabra and Chatila. Maybe amid so many atrocities and war crimes around the world since, including what's happened in Lebanon and Iraq, this memory has been overshadowed. But it was a horror we should not forget, and nor (whatever the Pope among others said) will it easily be forgiven.

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Monday, June 04, 2007

US intrigue behind Lebanon bloodshed?

THE renewal of fighting around the Nahr al-Barad refugee camp, north of Tripoli, in northern Lebanon, has brought yet more death and suffering to innocent Palestinians, and made thousands refugees a second or third time.
Does the world care about these people?

It was the establishment of the Zionist State of Israel in 1948 which drove them from their homeland, and it was Israel and its murderous Christian allies who made war on them again in 1982, culminating in the infamous Sabra and Chatila massacres carried out by Lebanese Christian fascists under the Israeli army's watch, and specific resposibility of Ariel Sharon. But it has been Arab regimes like that of Lebanon which discriminated against Palestinians and isolated them in camps. It was their supposedly militant allies in Syria whose tanks helped besiege Tel al Zataar in 1976, and stood aside (as perhaps arranged with Sharon) when Israel invaded in 1982, and again last year. And today, whatever interests are being served by this fighting around Nahr al Barad, it is Lebanese guns that are pounding the camp, and Muslim fighters who are requiring the civilian population to be martyrs whether they like it or not.

'Residents described their hostility towards the Fatah al-Islam militants, "They are holding us hostage, we feel as if we have been kidnapped," said Marwan, a former military commander of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. "We are pleading with the army to stop shelling the camp. When you rescue a hijacked plane, you kill the hijacker, not all the hostages."
Residents described a huge riot against the militants in the camp, where 300 residents had taken to the streets to demand they leave the camp.
"Fatah al-Islam fired on the demonstrators and everybody fled," said 51-year-old Nour. "Everybody has wanted to leave since Sunday but the army wouldn't let us out. They even shot at the ambulances coming in to help us." '
Refugees plead to be saved as Lebanese troops besiege camp
http://www.guardian.co.uk/syria/story/0,,2085968,00.html

There seems to be a lot of confusion about just what is happening in Lebanon right now, what the forces involved are and who they might be allied with. It is a complex and shifting situation, and our news media don't make it clearer. But this article from the Tehran Times sheds an interesting light on the murky forces behind the Nahr al-Barad battle, and whether or not we share its predictions, should help clear up some confusion.

Far from being allies of Hizballah or the Palestinians, Fatah el-Islam is their enemy. The writer refers to it as "Salafist". Salafism * has various factions and forms, but what they share is fundamentalism - a claim that they are returning to a purer form of Islam which their leaders and clerics are alone fit to interpret; sectarianism - specifically attached to the strict Sunni Wahabbism ib Saufi Arabia; elitism -hence resort to terror, not as an adjunct to democratic struggle, but in preference to it -who wants the impure masses deciding what's right?! ; Saudi backing, either official or private. Weapons do not come cheap, and Fatah al-Islam though small is reputedly well-armed. Thus the imperialist West's main ally, besides Israel, is seen as behind these latest terrorists -as it was behind Taliban.

U.S. intrigues in Lebanon to backfire again?

By Hassan Hanizadeh

The recent armed clashes between the Lebanese Army and a Salafist group called Fatah al-Islam at the Nahr al-Bared Palestinian refugee camp in north Lebanon show that the United States and the Israeli regime, with the cooperation of certain regional countries, are trying to return the country to the situation in the 1970s.

The Fatah al-Islam movement was founded last year by Shaker al-Abssi, a Jordanian born in Palestine who has Salafist leanings and is close to the Al-Qaeda terrorist network.

With the help of Al-Qaeda leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, al-Abssi assassinated U.S. diplomat Laurence Foley in Amman, Jordan in 2002.
Later a Jordanian court tried him in absentia and sentenced him to death, but U.S. and Jordanian forces never attempted to apprehend al-Abssi.
He was then arrested in Syria and spent one year in prison, but after the downfall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003, he headed to Iraq together with al-Zarqawi and organized Al-Qaeda of Iraq.

Assassinating prominent Iraqi Shia figures and carrying out suicide bombings at Shia shrines are some of the goals of the organization.
After al-Zarqawi was killed in 2006, al-Abssi, along with his 140 troops, entered Lebanon through Jordan and then Syria’s borders and took up residence in the Nahr al-Bared Palestinian refugee camp.
Of course, al-Abssi should have been arrested and punished by U.S. and Jordanian forces, but he managed to freely enter Lebanon through Jordan and Syria with all his military equipment.

The series of bombings in Beirut’s Ashrafieh and Ein Alaq districts that killed many Lebanese civilians were carried out by the Fatah al-Islam terrorist group.
Documents obtained by the Lebanese security services that were later publicized show that Fatah al-Islam planned to assassinate 36 prominent Shia leaders in Lebanon. Honest analyses show that the movement was established by the CIA with the objective of confronting the Lebanese Hezbollah and preparing the ground for the disarming of the group.

Most of the accounts of Fatah al-Islam, which receives financial support from a group of rich Arab Salafists, are in U.S. banks. Yet, how is it that the U.S. freezes the bank accounts of many Islamic movements, but does not freeze bank accounts of Fatah al-Islam?

Moreover, when al-Abssi quit the Fatah al-Intifada movement, which is led by Colonel Abu Musa, and founded the Fatah al-Islam organization, the New York Times printed a detailed interview with him and the U.S. media extensively focused on him.

Other measures by the United States, including recent shipments of weapons to resupply the Lebanese Army, are part of the new U.S. plot to reenter the stage in Lebanon in order to eliminate Hezbollah.

Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s illegitimate government has become extremely shaky since the publication of the Vinograd report, and this new plot has been devised to help it regain its former standing.

Hence, through attempts to create tension in Lebanon and clash with Hezbollah, Fatah al-Islam is trying to prepare the ground for the U.S. Marines to return to Lebanon. But will the U.S. succeed? Surely not!

Just as when the United States created the Al-Qaeda organization in Afghanistan to confront the Soviet Union but later Al-Qaeda became its number one enemy, it is repeating the same mistake with Fatah al-Islam, and in the future it will face an organized terrorist group called Fatah al-Islam that will threaten the interests of the U.S. and the West throughout the world'.

http://www.tehrantimes.com/Description.asp?Da=5/30/2007&Cat=14&Num=003

* For more on Salafism and related ideologies and groups, see "The Islamic Right - key tendencies", published by Awaaz -South Asia Watch in June 2006, from which I have drawn my information, though the source is not responsible for my views. It is available at:
http://www.awaazsaw.org/awaaz_pia4.pdf

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Saturday, February 17, 2007

Human faces of Lebanon

WHO will reconstruct homes and lives in this devastated country? (photo from
http://www.guysmallman.com/)


WHAT is really happening in Lebanon, after the devastating Israeli war? We hear a fair amount from the media about what this or that party leader or foreign power might be up to. We hear that someone has been killed, and may even get a mention of people still getting blown up by those cluster bombs scattered liberally by Israeli forces, thanks to the largesse of Uncle Sam and the British government.

We seldom hear from the Lebanese people themselves.

Last night, at a meeting called "Eye witnesses in Lebanon", organised by the Radical Activists Network, it was different. Aid volunteer Caoimhe Butterly and photographer Guy Smallman showed us some of the destruction which people are having to overcome, but they also brought out the human faces beneath the hijab and behind the freedom fighters' mask beloved alike by stereotyping media and romanticising Western leftists.

In fact it was a bad night for those who would prefer simplistic stereotypes. Among the crowds in south Beirut supporting the general strike called by Hizbollah, Guy Smallman found a Druze concerned at the government's failure to stand up to Israel, a Christian who was there because he was fed up with corruption, and Muslims, both Shi'ite and Sunni, who spoke not about wanting religious rule but about the needs of Lebanon's poor people.

It seemed not all Hizbollah supporters were fanatically religious, nor were all those taking part in the strike Hizbollahi - some were supporters of the People's party, a spin off from the Communist Party, for instance. Had Hizbollah wanted civil war it could have fought and won one, in Guy's opinion, since beside wide public support, enhanced by its stand in the war and help in reconstruction, it had more fighters than the official Lebanese army - and supporters within the army. But what the party's leader Nasrallah had called for were round-table talks between all parties in Lebanon, and the calling of early elections.

There were shadowy forces at work trying to provoke civil war. Guy Smallman described how masked men with arms had forced their way into flats in a poor, mainly Sunni neighborhood of Beirut, overlooking a college campus where Shi'ite students were meeting, and taken up sniper positions to shoot at the students as they were leaving. Despite such efforts he was optimistic that people would not allow a new civil war in Lebanon. He was convinced the real underlying issues were of class, not religion.

Caoimhe Butterly spoke mainly about how women and young people were taking part in efforts to overcome the experiences they had suffered, and rebuild their lives. Showing how those working in projects came from varied backgrounds, and with each person photographed she gave a name, and something about them. Sometimes the smiles on children's faces hid memories of bombing and horror they had seen, which came out in their paintings.

In discussion, some Lebanese who spoke from the floor were less confident their country could avoid civil war. They questioned whether Hizbollah, with its religious ideas, could ever overcome confessionalism or represent a progressive, working class-based force uniting those for change in Lebanon. One man pointed out that there were many poor Sunni too, and asked what was being done to help reconstruction in cities like Tripoli. A woman who described herself as a Shia said there were rich Shi'ites too, and she accused Hizbollah of excluding other, particularly left-wing, forces from its fiefs in the south, and the struggle against the invaders. Another Lebanese said this was no longer true.

Caoimhe Butterly said she hoped herself and Guy had not oversimplified issues, and they had not intended to romanticise anything, or hide difficulties. On the danger of civil war, though, she believed memories were still fresh of previous conflicts for people to risk another one.

There were questions about the destruction and dangers - over one million unexploded ordinances littered across southern Lebanon, and only 19,000 de-mined - and about help for reconstruction. Guy Smallman said Hizbollah had an engineer wing that was taking part in rebuilding in the south. Much of the money for rebuilding now came not from Iran, but Qatar. Other questions concerned pressure towards privatisation, and whether the Lebanese government was funding hotel-building rather than assisting poor neighborhoods, or restoring agriculture. There was also concern about the fate of Lebanon's remaining Palestinians, though Caoimhe said that ironically, some Lebanese were now refugees in Palestinian camps.

Asked about practical help, Caoimhe said people here could help projects in Lebanon, and there was scope for teachers and others to set up pen-friending and twinning schemes with Lebanese schools and youth projects.

ALL in all, this was a good evening spent getting to know a picture of Lebanon we don't often get to glimpse through the corporate media, and to hear an honest account both from the speakers and the Lebanese who raised issues with them. It started to bring Lebanese and London left-wing audience together in a way too often obscured and obstructed by the hazy rhetoric and demagogy of "big name" speakers on left and peace movement platforms. I hope we have more meetings like this, and more discussion.

Thanks to Guy and Caoimhe, thanks too to the Lebanese comrades who came along to raise their doubts and concerns, and thanks to the keen young people of the Radical Activists Network who made it happen.
http://www.radicalactivist.net/

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Friday, September 15, 2006

"Insane and monstrous" cluster-bombing


CHILDREN often main victims
of devil's toyshop

"What we did was insane and monstrous, we covered entire towns in cluster bombs" said the head of an Israeli army rocket unit in Lebanon, quoted by Meron Rappaport in the daily Ha'aretz a few days ago.

Quoting his battalion commander, the rocket unit head stated that the IDF fired around 1,800 cluster bombs, containing over 1.2 million cluster bomblets. In addition, soldiers in IDF artillery units testified that the army used phosphorus shells during the war, widely forbidden by international law.

Confirming what UN observers alleged, the officers said the vast majority of the explosive ordinance was fired in the final 10 days of the war. The rocket unit commander stated that Multiple Launch Rocket System (MLRS) platforms were heavily used in spite of the fact that they were known to be highly inaccurate. MLRS is a track or tire carried mobile rocket launching platform, capable of firing a very high volume of mostly unguided munitions.

The basic rocket fired by the platform is unguided and imprecise, with a range of about 32 kilometers. The rockets are designed to burst into sub-munitions at a planned altitude in order to blanket enemy army and personnel on the ground with smaller explosive rounds. The use of such weaponry is controversial mainly due to its inaccuracy and ability to wreak great havoc against indeterminate targets over large areas of territory, with a margin of error of as much as 1,200 meters from the intended target to the area hit.

The cluster rounds which don't detonate on impact, believed by the United Nations to be around 40% of those fired by the IDF in Lebanon, remain on the ground as unexploded munitions, effectively littering the landscape with thousands of land mines which will continue to claim victims long after the war has ended. Because of their high level of failure to detonate, it is believed that there are around 500,000 unexploded munitions on the ground in Lebanon.

To date 12 Lebanese civilians have been killed by these mines since the end of the war.According to the commander, in order to compensate for the inaccuracy of the rockets and the inability to strike individual targets precisely, units would "flood" the battlefield with munitions, accounting for the littered and explosive landscape of post-war Lebanon. When his reserve duty came to a close, the commander in question sent a letter to Defense Minister Amir Peretz outlining the use of cluster munitions, a letter which has remained unanswered.

It has come to light that IDF soldiers fired phosphorus rounds in order to cause fires in Lebanon. An artillery commander has admitted to seeing trucks loaded with phosphorus rounds on their way to artillery crews in the north of Israel.A direct hit from a phosphorus shell typically causes severe burns and a slow, painful death. International law forbids the use of weapons that cause "excessive injury and unnecessary suffering", and many experts are of the opinion that phosphorus rounds fall directly in that category.

The International Red Cross has determined that international law forbids the use of phosphorus and other types of flammable rounds against personnel, both civilian and military.

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/761781.html

Those most likely to be killed or maimed by cluster bomb minelets are farmers working in their fields, children and other innocents. "Cluster bombs are delivered by a large canister and disperse over awide area, a sort of lethal piñata. The bomblets come in many sizes.Some are tiny, even smaller than 2 inches in diameter. Kids are constantly trying to kick them or pick them up with the result in the loss an arm or leg or even death."
http://www.counterpunch.com/heller09022006.html
September 2 / 3, 2006
Blanket Immunity from War Crimes
When Criticism of Cluster Bombs is "Anti-Semitic" , by STANLEY HELLER

But during the Lebanon war the council of rabbis in the West Bank settlements issued a statement that in war, there is no such thing as "innocents" among "the enemy". Before the soldiers spoke out the head of Germany's Jewish community council, Charlotte Knobloch, accused a minister in Angela Merkel's government of "antisemitism" for saying the UN should investigate Israel's use of cluster bombs. And even as the soldiers were making their frank comments about cluster bombs and phosphorus it was reported that a delegation of visiting rabbis urged the Israeli forces to abandon their supposed restraints on endangering civilians. So much for religion as a brake on barbarity.

We know that US supplies of bunker-busting bombs such as used at Kana were rushed to Israel via British airfields. I don't know whether the cluster-bombs were also US-made. From the Vietnam war to Iraq and Afghanistan, US forces have used cluster bombs. During the NATO intervention in Yugoslavia the US forces dropped 1,100 cluster bombs, each scattering about 200 bomblets, while RAF planes dropped 531. Earlier during the wars in Croatia and Bosnia there were reports of Serb forces using cluster-type munitions supplied by Hunting Engineering, a company based in Ampthill, Bedfordshire. In 2001 this became INSYS, which is now owned by Lockheed. It supplies munitions used by Apache helicopters.

After the 1982 Lebanon war the Reagan administration introduced a temporary ban on cluster bomb sales to Israel saying they had been misused. A campaign launched during the latest Lebanon war to stop British military supplies to Israel says:



The UK licensed arms sales to Israel worth £22.5m in 2005 – more than twice the amount in the previous year. These licences included military equipment such as weapon control systems, ammunition and components for rockets, tanks and
combat aircraft, all of which have been used in the occupied
territories. The F-16 fighter jets and Apache combat helicopters which were recently used to bomb towns and villages in the Gaza Strip and Lebanon contained significant UK components.
http://www.stoparmingisrael.org./info//


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Tuesday, August 15, 2006

War in Lebanon, Made in Washington

DESTRUCTION AT QANA

Israel's rulers say "The world" -they mean Bush and Blair -"has given the green light for our action". Why not? Their boys are not yet involved, they can supply and try out all the weapons, and if it all goes wrong stand back and blame the Israelis.
-
Jewish Socialists'
Group Members Bulletin, August 2.2006.

HOW much of a hand did Washington have in planning the war in Lebanon? Not just approving, not just encouraging Olmert with a nod and a wink, and whatever weaponry the Israeli military requested, but
being in on it from the start?

More than one speaker at anti-war rallies, in Tel Aviv as in London, has voiced the view that this was America's war, and part of a bigger plan. Now, as Israeli politicians and military commanders row and recriminate about what went wrong and who was to blame, their soldiers and the Israeli public might ask, was it worth it, and what were the war aims? Maybe the reason they seemed confused was because someone else was pulling their strings.

According to top Washington correspondent Seymour M.Hersh the whole thing was just a rehearsal, a trial run for a bigger war. Behind its pretended passivity the US administration was watching closely to see how its favourite protege performed. Here are some extracts from his article, WATCHING LEBANON Washington’s interests in Israel’s war, in the current New Yorker:

' "It's a moment of clarification," President George W. Bush said at the G-8 summit, in St. Petersburg, on July 16th. "It's now become clear why we don't have peace in the Middle East." He described the relationship between Hezbollah and its supporters in Iran and Syria as one of the "root causes of instability," and subsequently said that it was up to those countries to end the crisis. Two days later, despite calls from several governments for the United States to take the lead in negotiations to end the fighting, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said that a ceasefire should be put off until "the conditions are conducive."

'The Bush Administration, however, was closely involved in the planning of Israel's retaliatory attacks. President Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney were convinced, current and former intelligence and diplomatic officials told me, that a successful Israeli Air Force bombing campaign against Hezbollah's heavily fortified underground-missile and command-and-control complexes in Lebanon could ease Israel's security concerns and also serve as a prelude to a potential American preëmptive attack to destroy Iran's nuclear installations, some of which are also buried deep underground. Israeli military and intelligence experts I spoke to emphasized that the country's immediate security issues were reason enough to confront Hezbollah, regardless of what the Bush Administration wanted.

'According to a Middle East expert with knowledge of the current thinking of both the Israeli and the U.S. governments, Israel had devised a plan for attacking Hezbollah—and shared it with Bush Administration officials—well before the July 12th kidnappings. "It's not that the Israelis had a trap that Hezbollah walked into," he said, "but there was a strong feeling in the White House that sooner or later the Israelis were going to do it."


'The United States and Israel have shared intelligence and enjoyed close military coöperation for decades, but early this spring, according to a former senior intelligence official, high-level planners from the U.S. Air Force—under pressure from the White House to develop a war plan for a decisive strike against Iran's nuclear facilities—began consulting with their counterparts in the Israeli Air Force."The big question for our Air Force was how to hit a series of hard targets in Iran successfully," the former senior intelligence official said. "Who is the closest ally of the U.S. Air Force in its planning? It's not Congo—it's Israel. Everybody knows that Iranian engineers have been advising Hezbollah on tunnels and underground gun emplacements. And so the Air Force went to the Israelis with some new tactics and said to them, `Let's concentrate on the bombing and share what we have on Iran and what you have on Lebanon.' "

'The discussions reached the Joint Chiefs of Staff and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, he said."The Israelis told us it would be a cheap war with many benefits," a U.S. government consultant with close ties to Israel said. "Why oppose it? We'll be able to hunt down and bomb missiles, tunnels, and bunkers from the air. It would be a demo for Iran."

'A Pentagon consultant said that the Bush White House "has been agitating for some time to find a reason for a preëmptive blow against Hezbollah." He added, "It was our intent to have Hezbollah diminished, and now we have someone else doing it." (As this article went to press, the United Nations Security Council passed a ceasefire resolution, although it was unclear if it would change the situation on the ground.)According to Richard Armitage, who served as Deputy Secretary of State in Bush's first term—and who, in 2002, said that Hezbollah "may be the A team of terrorists"—Israel's campaign in Lebanon, which has faced unexpected difficulties and widespread criticism, may, in the end, serve as a warning to the White House about Iran.

'"If the most dominant military force in the region—the Israel Defense Forces—can't pacify a country like Lebanon, with a population of four million, you should think carefully about taking that template to Iran, with strategic depth and a population of seventy million," Armitage said. "The only thing that the bombing has achieved so far is to unite the population against the Israelis."

'Several current and former officials involved in the Middle East told me that Israel viewed the soldiers' kidnapping as the opportune moment to begin its planned military campaign against Hezbollah.

. "The neocons in Washington may be happy, but Israel did not need to be pushed, because Israel has been wanting to get rid of Hezbollah," Yossi Melman, a journalist for the newspaper Ha'aretz, who has written several books about the Israeli intelligence community, said. "By provoking Israel, Hezbollah provided that opportunity." "We were facing a dilemma," an Israeli official said. Prime Minister Ehud Olmert "had to decide whether to go for a local response, which we always do, or for a comprehensive response—to really take on Hezbollah once and for all."

'Earlier this summer, before the Hezbollah kidnappings, the U.S. government consultant said, several Israeli officials visited Washington, separately, "to get a green light for the bombing operation and to find out how much the United States would bear." The consultant added, "Israel began with Cheney. It wanted to be sure that it had his support and the support of his office and the Middle East desk of the National Security Council." After that, "persuading Bush was never a problem, and Condi Rice was on board," the consultant said. The initial plan, as outlined by the Israelis, called for a major bombing campaign in response to the next Hezbollah provocation, according to the Middle East expert with knowledge of U.S. and Israeli thinking. Israel believed that, by targeting Lebanon's infrastructure, including highways, fuel depots, and even the civilian runways at the main Beirut airport, it could persuade Lebanon's large Christian and Sunni populations to turn against Hezbollah, according to the former senior intelligence official. The airport, highways, and bridges, among other things, have been hit in the bombing campaign. The Israeli Air Force had flown almost nine thousand missions as of last week.

'The Israeli plan, according to the former senior intelligence official, was "the mirror image of what the United States has been planning for Iran." (The initial U.S. Air Force proposals for an air attack to destroy Iran's nuclear capacity, which included the option of intense bombing of civilian infrastructure targets inside Iran, have been resisted by the top leadership of the Army, the Navy, and the Marine Corps, according to current and former officials. They argue that the Air Force plan will not work and will inevitably lead, as in the Israeli war with Hezbollah, to the insertion of troops on the ground.) "Cheney's point, the former senior intelligence official said, was "What if the Israelis execute their part of this first, and it's really successful? It'd be great. We can learn what to do in Iran by watching what the Israelis do in Lebanon."

'The Pentagon consultant told me that intelligence about Hezbollah and Iran is being mishandled by the White House the same way intelligence had been when, in 2002 and early 2003, the Administration was making the case that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. "The big complaint now in the intelligence community is that all of the important stuff is being sent directly to the top—at the insistence of the White House—and not being analyzed at all, or scarcely," he said. "It's an awful policy and violates all of the N.S.A.'s strictures, and if you complain about it you're out," he said. "Cheney had a strong hand in this."

'The long-term Administration goal was to help set up a Sunni Arab coalition—including countries like Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Egypt—that would join the United States and Europe to pressure the ruling Shiite mullahs in Iran. "But the thought behind that plan was that Israel would defeat Hezbollah, not lose to it," the consultant with close ties to Israel said. Some officials in Cheney's office and at the N.S.C. had become convinced, on the basis of private talks, that those nations would moderate their public criticism of Israel and blame Hezbollah for creating the crisis that led to war. Although they did so at first, they shifted their position in the wake of public protests in their countries about the Israeli bombing.

'The White House was clearly disappointed when, late last month, Prince Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, came to Washington and, at a meeting with Bush, called for the President to intervene immediately to end the war. The Washington Post reported that Washington had hoped to enlist moderate Arab states "in an effort to pressure Syria and Iran to rein in Hezbollah, but the Saudi move . . . seemed to cloud that initiative."

'The surprising strength of Hezbollah's resistance, and its continuing ability to fire rockets into northern Israel in the face of the constant Israeli bombing, the Middle East expert told me, "is a massive setback for those in the White House who want to use force in Iran. And those who argue that the bombing will create internal dissent and revolt in Iran are also set back."

Those who send and supply the bombers, the state terrorists, believe that if they don't succeed at first in bombing people into submission, they should bomb some more. And where we see terrible destruction, they see prospect for real estate and construction. Washington's rulers won't lose much more sleep over katyushas hitting Kiryat Shmoneh than they do over bombs falling on Beirut. But they may think about what rockets and worse, popular revolt, could do to their Middle East oil interests. Is it worth risking? As a trial run, Lebanon might have taught the Washington warmongers not to try another bigger war, but to go for diplomacy. But do they ever learn? Hersh's informants fear not.

'Nonetheless, some officers serving with the Joint Chiefs of Staff remain deeply concerned that the Administration will have a far more positive assessment of the air campaign than they should, the former senior intelligence official said. "There is no way that Rumsfeld and Cheney will draw the right conclusion about this," he said. "When the smoke clears, they'll say it was a success, and they'll draw reinforcement for their plan to attack Iran."

For article in full see:
http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/articles/060821fa_fact

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Friday, August 04, 2006

Can Lebanon war wake labour movement?


FIGHT for workers' rights
is essential for anti-war
struggle and fight for humanity
around the world.
JOHN McDONNELL (in red scarf) with sacked Gate Gourmet workers. The Hayes and Harlington MP has announced his challenge for Labour leadership and will be speaking at Stop the War rally in London tomorrow.
(photo from Labour Representation Committee,
http://www.l-r-c.org.uk/

COULD the horror of Israel's war on Lebanon, and Tony Blair's refusal to call for a ceasefire, wake the labour movement in this country to its international responsibility? US planes rushing uranium-tipped bombs and other munitions to Israel are still being allowed to land in Britain, after the Qana massacre of civilians. Following the row over use of Glasgow's civilian airport at Prestwick the flights have been shifted to RAF Mildenhall, in Suffolk. There are also reports of planes with Hebrew markings spotted at Brize Norton, in Oxfordshire.

Labour MP John McDonnell, now standing for the party's leadership, has said he fully supports protests against the use of this country by the US as a base for arming the Israelis with such devastating weapons which are resulting in such heavy and terrible civilian casualties.

"I go further and express my support for any workers engaged in the operation of these airports or our airspace who refuse on grounds of conscience and international law to participate in supporting the shipment of these weapons. In the light of all the evidence in recent days demonstrating the use to which the Israelis are putting these weapons I believe that workers have every right to refuse to facilitate the transportation of these weapons".
http://www.john4leader.org.uk/index.html

It was reported at the weekend that Britain's own arms exports to Israel doubled in the past year. Even before the present war broke out the Foreign and Commonwealth Office had condemned Israel's policy of targetted killings as against international law, but it seems this stance did not stop them issuing licenses for the necessary equipment.

"Licences approved for Israel last year included components for combat helicopters, aircraft radars, air-to-surface missiles and airborne electronic warfare equipment. Special licences were also approved for the sale to Israel of components for military training aircraft, naval radars, naval communications equipment, and optical sensors for unmanned air vehicles.
These do not include components made by British companies in US Apache helicopters and F-16 bombers sold to Israel. The government provoked a storm of protest in 2002 by introducing new guidelines on the sale of military components. It cleared the way for head-up display units (HUDs, for presenting data without blocking view) - made by BAE Systems, Britain's largest arms company - to be sold to the US for use in F-16 planes. Ministers said the move was dictated by the interests of British arms companies. British equipment used in American Apache helicopters supplied to Israel includes missile trigger systems".
http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,,1828246,00.html

So much for the "ethical dimension" which the late Robin Cook hoped to see in British foreign policy. One of Cook's civil servants scrawled "bollocks" on the Foreign Secretary's memorandum, and that's what they went for. After knocking him into shape as best they could, someone leaked details of his extra-marital indiscretions to the press and he was ousted. Since then we've had Jack Straw bending in the wind, and "sorry, I haven't a clue" Margaret Beckett.

Straw, Foreign Office Minister Kim Howells, Peter Hain and others are letting it be known they are unhappy over the war, but have yet to resign or openly challenge the prime minister.

What about the industrial wing of the labour movement, which despite the notorious links with business loans and dodgy donors remains Labour's main supporter? While striving to maintain a statesmanlike air, avoiding words like solidarity, and trusting in the United Nations, the Trades Union Congress(TUC) has expressed concern at the war and the suffering influicted on civilians and said:
"Alongside concerted international action to end the violence, urgent attention must be given to the serious and deteriorating economic and humanitarian situation in the Palestinian territories".
http://www.tuc.org.uk/international/tuc-12184-f0.cfm

The TUC is supporting a call from the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions and the World Confederation of Labour for an immediate cease-fire. How far this stand is reflected in action may be seen in more trade union banners joining the anti-war march in London on Saturday.

Tory anti-union laws which Blair's "New Labour" have kept in force expose trade unionists to legal threats and victimisation even for taking action in support of fellow workers (as when Heathrow airport workers came out in support of sacked Gate Gourmet catering staff), let alone on international issues. But Liverpool dockers sacked for refusing to cross picket lines and then left high and dry by Labour say they would like to see workers taking action over the war in Lebanon. Former docks shop steward Terry Teague says:

'Over the years dockworkers have been at the forefront of organising action to stop the oppression of innocent men, women and children the world over. The boycotts of cargoes heading to or from apartheid South Africa or Pinochet’s fascist regime in Chile helped bring freedom and humanity to the people of those countries and in the case of South Africa irrevocably changed the path of the countries life style for the better.

'Although we no longer work in the Port Industry the Sacked Liverpool Dockworkers are being asked on a daily basis by many concerned trade unionists and members of the public, “should dockworkers in the United Kingdom be loading or discharging cargoes heading to or from Israel when that country is causing death and destruction to the people and the country of Lebanon”. Our answer is a straight forward “no they shouldn’t be working Israeli cargoes whilst the current bombardment of Lebanon continues”.

'Unfortunately there is very little that we can do about the situation in terms of direct action, but we can organise opposition and campaign against the carnage that is currently taking place in the Middle East which we intend to do and repectfully ask our international comrades to update us with any news of meetings or planned actions that they might be considering within their Ports.
In Solidarity,
The Sacked Liverpool Dockworkers'

http://www.labournet.net/docks2/0607/liverpool1.htm#1

More than once in meetings talking about action over Iraq or Palestine I have had to remind people of the way workers like the Liverpool dockers were treated, and the restrictions on working people in Britain, who possibly have fewer rights than any in western Europe. Now we might reflect on how failure to fully support the dockers or rescind anti-union laws has sapped the ability of ordinary working people in Britain to do anything when we are let down and disgraced by this government. We need to break the spell and restore fighting confidence.

As Blair flies off to sun himself in Barbados, John McDonnell has demanded that Parliament be recalled to debate the war in Lebanon:
"The military invasion of Lebanon by Israel and the escalation in the number of Hezbollah rocket attacks on Israel is a sure indication that far from being a limited and short lived enagagement the fighting in Lebanon is deteriorating into a full scale war,' McDonnell said. "Unless some resolution is found shortly there must be a real risk of other states being drawn into the conflict. . .

'The Bush/Blair strategy is failing before our eyes at such a dreadful cost in terms of loss of life and human suffering. The latest total of lives lost is nearly 700, with nearly 1 million refugees displaced in the Lebanon. We need to have an urgent and open debate on what we as a country can do to bring a swift end to the current escalating conflict and what role we can play with others to help prevent future aggression. One step in starting this critical debate would be the recall of Parliament. I called for the recall of Parliament last Sunday. Other MPs have now joined that call. What is the Prime Minister's fear of having a Parliamentary debate?

'We hear that a debate went on in Cabinet and a number of Cabinet Ministers have let it leak out that they questioned the Prime Minister's strategy. I have to say Cabinet Ministers trying to salve their consciences in this cowardly and pathetic way is almost as disgraceful as Tony Blair supporting the Bush strategy. If Cabinet Ministers had spoken out in public in opposing Tony Blair's support for the Bush line or had even done the honourable thing and resigned in order to speak out on this issue, I would have had some respect for them.

To hide behind leaks and off the record briefings is degrading. If those in Cabinet who were concerned about the Bush/Blar strategy had acted decisively together there may have been the opportunity of securing a break with Bush and Britain joining with others in calling for an immediate ceasefire. Their failure to act implicates them in this failure to demand and secure peace and end the killing in Lebanon, Gaza and Israel'.

'Recalling Parliament would give every Member of Parliament the opportunity to speak and vote on the basis of their conscience. If Parliament is recalled, I would wish to see the opportunity given to MPs to vote on a motion to determine Britain's independent strategy and for this vote to be unwhipped'.
http://www.john4leader.org.uk/index.html

John McDonnell is regarded as a rank outsider in the fight for Labour leadership. Establishment media, preferring trivial pursuits about personalities to discussion of serious politics, will probably do their best not to give him a mention. But already his campaign seems to be giving new heart to people still in the Labour Party on the Left. Results for elections to the Labour Party's National Executive Committee in the individual members category show Ann Black, Ellie Reeves, Christine Shawcroft, Peter Wheeler, Peter Willsman, and Walter Wolfgang have been elected. Black, Shawcroft, Willsman and Wolfgang reportedly topped the poll, and are all regarded as on the Left.

Walter Wolfgang is the octagenarian pensioner and nuclear disarmer thrown out of last year's Labour Party conference for heckling Jack Straw, and the Blair leadership campaigned to stop him getting on to the NEC. I expect that helped.

STOP PRESS!

Tony Blair has had to postpone his holiday because of the Lebanon crisis.
We're glad it causes him some inconveniance. But for what good he will do, we've a better idea. Let's bring forward his retirement!

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